Shell is made up of human beings; the impact of our activities on other people is therefore always of concern to us.'68 _ Richard Tookey, former Head of Public Affairs, SIPC
'Human life does not mean much to those who have benefited from the oil.'69 _ Ken Saro-Wiwa, MOSOP
Celebrating the Year of the Indigenous Peoples in January 1993, Greenpeace filmed a peaceful Ogoni protest against Shell. Dr Leton, ex- Chancellor of Rivers State University, addressed a rally of up to 500,000 people to explain their campaign70:
'[The Ogoni have] ... woken up to find our lands devastated by agents of death called oil companies. Our atmosphere has been totally polluted, our lands degraded, our waters contaminated, our trees poisoned, so much so that our flora and fauna have virtually disappeared.
'We are asking for the restoration of our environment, we are asking for the basic necessities of life _ water, electricity, education; but above all we are asking for the right to self-determination so that we can be responsible for our resources and our environment.'
There have been countless demonstrations against Shell's operations in the Delta and not just by the Ogoni. The outcome however has been consistent _ resulting in violence against protestors by the military. One of the worst calamities to date happened in 1990 in Umuechem, 10 miles from Ogoni, when villagers were killed by the Mobile Police Force during a peaceful protest against Shell.
On hearing of the proposed demonstration, Shell contacted the Commissioner of the Police and made the following request71:
' ... we request that you urgently provide us with security protection (preferably Mobile Police Force) at this location.'
The request was met and the punishment of the protestors swift. Eighty people were shot dead and 495 homes destroyed. The Official Inquiry into the disaster heard evidence submitted by the Umuechem Community, part of which concluded72:
'These [Shell Petroleum Development Company] drilling operations have had serious adverse effects on the Umuechem people who are predominantly farmers, in that their lands had been acquired and their crops damaged with little or no compensation, and are thus left without farmlands or means of livelihood. Their farmlands are covered by oil spillage/blow-out and rendered unsuitable for farming.'
However, Shell maintains that73:
'... the problems which gave rise to the demonstrations and the consequent police action were not really of Shell's making at all.'
But communities on oil-rich land are suffering as a result of Shell's industrial activity _ it is the unacceptable way in which this activity is conducted that has forced such demonstrations.
The tension is exacerbated also by Shell's insistence on military involvement. Recently, Shell has argued that it is under a legal obligation to notify the authorities if a threat to oil production is perceived, admitting at least its tacit consent to military activity. According to Eric Nickson, Shell International's Head of Public Affairs, 'unavoidably, therefore, the company has on occasion been compelled to ask for assistance.'74 The outcome speaks for itself.
In 1992, one person was killed, 30 shot and 150 beaten when local villagers from Bonny demonstrated against Shell75.
On 30 April 1993, Willbros, a US pipeline contractor, began laying pipes on behalf of Shell, on Ogoni farmland, destroying freshly planted crops71. The Shell contractors were escorted by soldiers77. As the peaceful protest against the pipelaying culminated in a demonstration of 10,000 people, soldiers opened fire on the crowd, wounding at least 10 and leaving Mrs Karalolo Korgbara, a mother of five, in a critical condition78. She later lost her arm because of her injury79. Four days of protests took place as a result of the shootings, resulting in the death of Mr Agbarator Otu who was shot in the back by soldiers80.
Ignoring the tension in the area caused by the violence, SPDC wrote to the Governor of Rivers State asking for further provision of assistance so that the pipeline construction could be completed81.
During the unrest in Nigeria over the summer of 1993, Ken Saro-Wiwa was arrested four times, had his passport seized on his way to attending a UN human rights conference, and imprisoned. While in prison, his health deteriorated, collapsing after being denied food and a doctor82 and falling unconscious for two hours after police interrogation83. He was finally released on 22 July, charged with six counts relating to seditious intention, seditious publication and unlawful assembly84.
Thereafter, a series of suspicious and brutal attacks occurred on Ogoni villages after Ogoni police were mysteriously drafted away from the region, resulting in the deaths of hundreds of Ogoni and thousands being made homeless. The Nigerian government claimed that the attacks on Ogoni were the outcome of disputes between neighbouring communities. However, the sophistication of weaponry used and the fact that all Ogoni police were removed from the area prior to the attacks, implies that the attacks were instrumented by the military85.
Despite the obvious tension and fear mounting in the Ogoni region as the military's presence became more prominent, Shell attempted to conduct business as usual.
On 23 October 1993, Shell sent firefighting trucks into Ogoni, claiming that a call had been received reporting a fire outbreak at the Korokoro flowstation86. Ogoni villagers, already nervous, were alarmed to see the trucks particularly since there was no fire, so denied the company access to the station. It is maintained by Shell that the fire trucks were seized by the villagers and that a second team deployed by Shell was attacked, although this is denied by the Ogoni. During the alleged attack, Shell claimed that 'the team exercised extreme restraint'87. However, one villager was shot dead and two others, including a 70 year old man, sustained serious bullet wounds88.
To date, there is still no end to the environmental pollution and suppression as attacks on Ogoni villages continue. Since August 1993, twenty Ogoni villages have been attacked89, resulting in more than 1000 deaths90. Military presence remains heavy, increasing the tension and fear in the region. Ogoni has effectively been sealed off, military checkpoints have been set up and the systematic violence continues unabated.
The controversy surrounding the military's involvement, in what initially started as a community's campaign against continuing oil pollution, is increasing. One recent development in particular raises serious concerns over the military's perception of its own role in Ogoni. On 26 June 1994, three civilians _ one a British national on an aid assignment to Ogoni _ were flogged with an electric cable after paying a visit to Mr Ledum Mitee, a civil rights lawyer and vice president of MOSOP, arrested with Ken Saro-Wiwa in May. On being returned to Kpor, Ogoni, Major Okutimo (accused of being responsible for much of the brutality in Ogoni91) talked of how much he was 'doing for Shell and the government'.
According to a statement made by one of the abused, Major Okutimo spoke of his near death in Korokoro last October and for that, would never forgive Ken Saro-Wiwa. 'I ordered him to be taken to an unknown place and be chained _ legs and hands _ and not be given food. Ken will never see the light of day until a court pronounces otherwise.'
Major Okutimo then went on to say, 'Shell Company has not been fair to me in this operation.' He claimed to have risked his life and those of his soldiers to 'protect Shell Oil installation' [sic]. The conversation finished with his announcement, 'I am going to sanitise Ogoniland. MOSOP will be no more when I finish. I have been here for nine months. I need four more weeks to get these things cleaned out.' When it was put to Major Okutimo that, according to newspapers, soldiers had been withdrawn from the area, he simply replied, 'That is what you read in the papers. We are still there. We are there.'92